![]() "A violent occupation of Russian-speaking communities that didn't want the Russian soldiers to be there would have been a public relations disaster for Putin, so estimating occupation costs prospectively would have been a priority." "If you're a conservative Russian military planner, you only send special forces to places where you are fairly certain they will be perceived as liberators, not occupiers," said they study's first author Jesse Driscoll, associate professor of political science at the UC San Diego School of Global Policy and Strategy. This could explain why Russia's forces did not advance further than Crimea's borders, as Russian analysts may have observed overt signals, including some from social media, that they would have faced strong and violent resistance. The Russian television narrative, which is that a fascist coup had taken place, did not "catch on" in Ukrainian Russian-speaking communities. In a new University of California San Diego study, researchers examine data from Twitter during the 2014 conflict between Russia and Ukraine. New research suggests it can even be used by governments as a source of military intelligence to estimate prospective casualties and costs incurred from occupying foreign territories. Online discourse by users of social media can provide important clues about the political dispositions of communities. ![]() Image: Online discourse by users of social media suggests it can be used by governments as a source of military intelligence to estimate prospective casualties and costs incurred from occupying foreign territories.
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